Angola charged four men in alleged plot to siphon $500 million
from nation's reserves
By Margot Patrick, Gabriele Steinhauser and Patricia Kowsmann
This article is being republished as part of our daily
reproduction of WSJ.com articles that also appeared in the U.S.
print edition of The Wall Street Journal (October 4, 2018).
An accountant walked up to a teller at a suburban London branch
of HSBC Holdings PLC and asked to transfer $2 million to Japan. The
teller pulled up the account and stared at her screen. There was
$500 million in the account.
After asking the accountant some questions, she told him she
couldn't make the transfer. Then she filed a report to her
superiors.
HSBC quickly found out where the money had come from. Three
weeks earlier, in mid-August of 2017, officials at the central bank
of Angola had sent $500 million of the country's reserves to a
company registered to the accountant's modest storefront office
between a cafe and barber shop in a gritty London neighborhood.
Authorities in Angola now allege the $500 million transfer was
illegal, part of a convoluted plot to defraud the southern African
country in the final weeks of President José Eduardo dos Santos's
38-year rule. If Angolan prosecutors are right, the HSBC teller had
helped thwart one of the biggest attempted bank heists ever.
Investigators unraveling the transaction for Angola have
identified a cache of forged bank documents and an "Ocean's
Eleven"-style cast of characters, including a smooth-talking
Brazilian based in Tokyo and a Dutch agricultural engineer. Their
alleged plan, said Angolan government officials in court documents
and interviews with The Wall Street Journal, was to siphon fees and
cash from the central bank while pretending to set up a $35 billion
investment fund.
The group convened in glamorous spots in London, a coastal
resort in Portugal and Angola's capital, Luanda, with at least one
meeting attended by President dos Santos. The money trail they left
led investigators to international banks, shell companies and a
Japanese firm whose mission is described on its website as "assets
liberation."
"One looks at this and thinks, 'Wow, what's going on here?'"
says José Massano, Angola's new central-bank governor, who is
trying to piece together how his bank almost lost a chunk of its
foreign-exchange reserves. "It is the kind of thing that shouldn't
really happen."
Last month, prosecutors in Angola announced a variety of
criminal charges against a son of Mr. dos Santos, the former
central-bank governor and two others in relation to the alleged
fraud. In the U.K., Angola has sued four men, including the
Brazilian and the Dutch engineer, to recover EUR25 million the
central bank paid to set up the multibillion-dollar fund, which
never materialized.
The defendants in the U.K. civil case deny wrongdoing and say
they did legitimate work on an investment fund, under contract, for
which they received fees. After being named a suspect by Angola
prosecutors in March, Mr. dos Santos's son said he is cooperating
with the investigation, and the former central-bank governor
couldn't be reached for comment. One of the other two men charged
denied wrongdoing; the other couldn't be reached for comment.
Angola's lawyers say the country may have fallen victim to a
decades-old type of get-rich-quick scheme, typically used to
defraud individuals or companies, not sovereign states. Investors
are told they can make huge returns through a private market in
"bank guarantees." There is no such market, and the U.S. Treasury
Department and Securities and Exchange Commission have warned that
such offers are always fraudulent.
This account of the case is based on interviews with Angolan
officials, bankers, people involved in the legal cases and
documents related to the U.K. lawsuit, including sworn statements
and a judicial ruling.
In June of last year, a letter marked "confidential" arrived at
Angola's finance ministry for then-President dos Santos, 76 years
old, who was preparing to step down after elections that August.
Angola was reeling from double-digit inflation, and its currency
had plunged since the 2014 oil bust.
The letter, bearing a BNP Paribas SA logo and the signature of
the French bank's chairman, made a compelling proposal. BNP Paribas
and other European banks would help Angola create a $35 billion
fund, refinance debt and get hard currencies for imports.
The letter named two deal coordinators: Hugo Onderwater, a Dutch
agricultural engineer living in Portugal, and Jorge Pontes
Sebastião, a childhood friend and business partner of President dos
Santos's son. Mr. Pontes, 40, a slim man whose bodyguard carries
his briefcase to meetings, was until recently president of an
Angolan bank; Mr. Onderwater, 55, tall and sandy-haired, has a
business converting waste to energy, according to U.K. court
filings by the two men. The two had met in 2016 to discuss
financing for an Angolan government food-quality agency, then
broadened the idea into an Angola investment fund, according to a
court statement by Mr. Pontes.
Days after the letter arrived, Angola's finance minister and
central-bank governor flew to a meeting in Cascais, near Lisbon.
The president's son, José Filomeno dos Santos, then in charge of
Angola's sovereign-wealth fund, came with them to represent the
state, according to a U.K. court filing. His father had approved
looking into the project, according to Mr. Pontes's statement.
In a seaside hotel, Mr. Onderwater, the Dutch engineer, and Mr.
Pontes presented slides for a new fund to help diversify Angola's
economy, to be managed by a "qualified trust company" in London,
according to excerpts from the presentation in U.K. court
documents. A slide listed banks said to be supporting the project,
including the European Central Bank.
The ECB says it was never involved in the project, and BNP
Paribas says the letter with its logo and chairman's signature was
forged.
Mr. Onderwater later told the U.K. court the banks mentioned
were merely examples of possible participants, and that he only saw
the BNP Paribas letter during court proceedings.
Angola's finance minister, Archer Mangueira, was skeptical of
the plan. His department questioned the experience of the two deal
coordinators and wondered about the project's "true
developers."
Nevertheless, in July of last year, the central-bank governor,
Valter Filipe da Silva, signed an agreement with Mr. Pontes to set
up the fund.
That same month, the central bank started transferring EUR24.85
million ($28.9 million) from its Commerzbank AG account in
Frankfurt to an account of Mr. Pontes at Banco Comercial Português
SA in Lisbon, for fees due under the agreement, U.K. court
documents show.
Mr. Onderwater received EUR5 million of that money, using some
to buy property in Lisbon and rural Devon, England, investigators
for the Angolan finance ministry found.
Another EUR2.4 million went to a Tokyo company called Bar
Trading, headed by another alleged participant in the plan,
51-year-old Brazilian Samuel Barbosa da Cunha. His role was to act
as "trustee" of Angola's $500 million seed money for the new fund,
in charge of obtaining the "bank guarantees" and financial
instruments that were supposed to transform the country's money
into $35 billion, according to Mr. Pontes's testimony and other
U.K. court filings.
Mr. Pontes told the U.K. court Mr. Barbosa was brought into the
deal by Mr. Onderwater, a claim Mr. Onderwater denies. Lawyers for
Mr. Onderwater said recently in a written statement that the bank
guarantee was "solely an internal Angolan matter."
Bald and hulking, Mr. Barbosa described himself as an expert in
buying and selling such guarantees on his company website and in
correspondence with clients reviewed by the Journal. His LinkedIn
biography says he has 30 years of financial experience and an
economics doctorate from Boston University. The school's library
has no record of a dissertation, and a spokeswoman for the school
couldn't confirm his attendance or a degree after searches by his
name, hometown and birthdate.
At the end of July 2017, Mr. Barbosa headed for London. First,
he touched down in Riga, Latvia, where he boasted to a friend that
he was working on a big deal with Angola's central bank, the friend
says.
Mr. Barbosa and the friend had teamed up before, persuading
retirees in Florida and Canada and an Australian company to invest
in bank guarantees promising up to 550% monthly returns, according
to people who gave them money and documents they provided to those
people, which were reviewed by the Journal. A representative of the
Australian company filed complaints about the friend and Mr.
Barbosa to U.K. authorities, alleging fraud, according to the
documents.
U.K. regulators declined to comment. Mr. Barbosa didn't respond
to requests for comment, and the friend denied working with Mr.
Barbosa or any involvement in the alleged fraud.
One day in August of last year, Messrs. Onderwater and Pontes
sent instructions to the central-bank governor to transfer $500
million to the trustee, Mr. Barbosa, according to evidence cited by
the U.K. court. They provided the details of an HSBC account of a
company called Perfectbit Ltd., registered to the London
accountant's storefront office and listed on Bar Trading's website
as an overseas subsidiary.
Two days later, central-bank officials entered Perfectbit's
account details into the Swift network, a bank-owned consortium
that handles millions of daily payment instructions. The money
moved from the central bank's Standard Chartered PLC account in
London to Perfectbit's HSBC account. The transaction didn't prompt
any extra checks by either bank, people familiar with the matter
say.
"There is a hole in the international finance system that allows
for transfers to be made with minimal information," says Shane
Shook, a cybersecurity consultant.
The central bank's Swift message code indicated -- inaccurately
-- that the money was for intrabank business with HSBC rather than
headed to an HSBC customer, according to bank documents reviewed by
the Journal. HSBC noticed the discrepancy later, when it started
probing the transfer.
Once the $500 million was in Perfectbit's account, the
accountant made Mr. Barbosa and an associate owners of the company.
The accountant, Bhishamdayal Dindyal, kept signing power on the
HSBC account.
Over the next few weeks, the accountant and an associate of Mr.
Barbosa's each visited HSBC branches trying to access the cash,
unsuccessfully, according to Angola's U.K. court claim. The
associate said in a later court statement that $26,999.99 from the
HSBC account was paid as a fee for Perfectbit's work on the
fund.
After the alert teller in the suburban London branch filed a
report about the enormous balance, HSBC suspended the account for
review.
In Angola, a power shift was under way. President João Lourenço,
inaugurated in September 2017, launched an anticorruption drive,
and his finance minister, Mr. Mangueira, still suspicious of the
central bank's new investment fund, started an investigation.
Seeking answers, Mr. Mangueira took the central-bank governor,
Mr. da Silva, to London again to meet with the three organizers of
the deal -- Messrs. Onderwater, Pontes and Barbosa. The former
president's son, Mr. Filomeno dos Santos, came along, too, this
time in support of the deal organizers, U.K. court filings
show.
In an hourslong meeting at the elegant Cavalry & Guards
Club, Mr. Barbosa batted away questions about his and his
colleagues' qualifications. He said a European bank had guaranteed
Angola's $500 million, according to a U.K. court filing. That day,
a letter was sent to President Lourenço saying Angola's $500
million was guaranteed by Switzerland's Credit Suisse AG, and had
swelled to $2.5 billion from transactions by the trustee.
Credit Suisse says it didn't guarantee the money and documents
in its name were forged.
As he listened to Mr. Barbosa, Mr. Mangueira recalled in an
interview, he became convinced the Brazilian was the mastermind of
a fraud. He had the air of a " vendedor da banha da cobra," Mr.
Mangueira said -- Portuguese for a snake-oil salesman.
Back in Angola, President Lourenço gave Mr. da Silva, the
central-bank governor, 24 hours to get the $500 million back,
according to U.K. court filings. That didn't happen, and he
resigned without any public explanation.
With the deal collapsing, Perfectbit wrote to HSBC last Nov. 9
asking the bank to return the nearly $500 million in its account to
the central bank, according to a U.K. court statement from Mr.
Barbosa. He said Perfectbit was asked to make the request by the
company owned by Messrs. Pontes and Onderwater that had hired
Perfectbit to act as trustee.
Eight days later, Angola's finance ministry filed the U.K.
lawsuit against the three organizers of the deal -- Messrs. Pontes,
Onderwater and Barbosa -- and Mr. Barbosa's associate. A judge
froze the $499,972,438 remaining in the HSBC account. The U.K.'s
National Crime Agency, an entity akin to the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, opened a criminal investigation.
A few days later, Mr. Barbosa's associate was arrested by police
at Heathrow Airport and released under investigation. He denies
wrongdoing.
The accountant, Mr. Dindyal, who isn't a defendant in the
lawsuit, was arrested at home in December and also released under
investigation. He declined to comment.
Messrs. Pontes, Onderwater and Barbosa all say their companies
operated under contracts with the central bank or each other and
deny wrongdoing.
A judge in the U.K. civil case said in a written April ruling
that Mr. Pontes and his company "appear to contend (in effect) that
they are victims of a fraud perpetrated by Mr. Onderwater. Mr.
Onderwater appears to contend (in effect) that he is a victim of
the fraud of Dr. Barbosa and Dr. Pontes."
U.K. authorities returned the $500 million to the Angolan
central bank, but prosecutors in Angola are proceeding with their
criminal fraud case.
They charged Mr. Filomeno dos Santos, the former president's
son, and Mr. Pontes with money laundering, criminal association,
falsification of documents, influence peddling and stealing through
fraud.
Mr. da Silva, the former central-bank governor, was charged with
criminal association, embezzlement and money laundering. The fourth
man, a central-bank employee, was charged with criminal association
and embezzlement.
Mr. Filomeno dos Santos was dismissed from the sovereign-wealth
fund this year. He hasn't commented since the charges were
announced. In a previous statement to Angola state television, he
said he was cooperating with the investigation.
Mr. Pontes denies the criminal charges. In an email statement
through his lawyers, he said Angola's EUR24.85 million was
voluntarily returned in June as part of negotiations to settle the
U.K. civil case, and that he will "continue to act in good faith in
his commercial dealings."
The former central-bank governor, Mr. da Silva, hasn't commented
publicly and couldn't be reached for comment.
Messrs. Onderwater and Barbosa likely will keep their payments
unless Mr. Pontes takes his own legal action against them,
according to people familiar with the U.K. civil case, which
remains open.
In June, several photos appeared on Mr. Barbosa's Facebook page.
One shows him puffing on a cigar, another grinning from a
business-class cabin.
Write to Margot Patrick at margot.patrick@wsj.com, Gabriele
Steinhauser at gabriele.steinhauser@wsj.com and Patricia Kowsmann
at patricia.kowsmann@wsj.com
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
October 04, 2018 02:47 ET (06:47 GMT)
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