By Anatoly Kurmanaev
ST. PETERSBURG -- After Russia's central-bank chief, Elvira
Nabiullina, moved to shut down a large lender last year for
allegedly falsifying accounts, the nation's top prosecutor's office
issued an order to leave the bank alone.
She closed it anyway.
In her five years in office, Ms. Nabiullina has closed hundreds
of weak banks, stymied the exodus of Russian wealth abroad and
transformed monetary policy to bring inflation to record lows. That
has earned her an unusual amount of freedom to make tough
decisions, even if that means treading on powerful interests.
Thinking of Ms. Nabiullina merely as a central banker
understates the significance of her role. As President Vladimir
Putin bids to return Russia to great-power status, challenging the
U.S. and Europe from Syria to Ukraine, it's her job to shore up the
economy against volatile oil markets and sanctions. Russia's
ability to continue its quest rests in large part on whether Ms.
Nabiullina can keep the financial system stable.
Given Russia's messy, corruption-filled banking system, that is
a challenge. She has struggled to regulate some state banks,
analysts said, and her job has grown more difficult with looming
new U.S. sanctions against Moscow for a nerve-agent attack against
a former Russian spy in the U.K. Moscow has repeatedly denied
involvement.
Ms. Nabiullina has earned public praise from Mr. Putin, who
rarely commends subordinates, as well as from abroad. Last year at
the Kremlin, Mr. Putin told her that "under your leadership, the
central bank has done a great deal to stabilize the economic
situation." Managers at big investment funds, from Pacific
Investment Management Co. to Pictet Asset Management, call Ms.
Nabiullina one of the world's most skilled central bankers.
Christine Lagarde, managing director of the International Monetary
Fund, lauded her in May for setting "standards of quality for
macroeconomic policy."
International investors have piled into Russian government
bonds, despite its weak economic growth, weakening currency and
deepening U.S. sanctions.
"Nabiullina was clearly given a mandate from the highest level
of the government to bring stability," said Kirill Lukashuk, head
of the financial sector at ratings agency ACRA. "The government
realized they can't be stable without a healthy banking sector,
strong reserves and low inflation."
In an interview, Ms. Nabiullina said her focus has been on
improving the health of Russia's banking sector. "It became obvious
to everyone that something had to be done," she said. "In the
circumstances when we started facing external challenges and
geopolitical risks, the financial system had to become very strong
and very stable."
The Kremlin didn't respond to a request for comment.
When Ms. Nabiullina took over Russia's central bank in 2013, it
was a sleepy institution with poorly trained staff and limited
powers, investors and bankers said. Mr. Putin criticized her
predecessors for lacking the will to clean up the country's
banks.
In 2006, the central-bank official responsible for revamping the
system, Andrey Kozlov, was shot dead in his car. Russian financier
Alexey Frankel, whose banking license Mr. Kozlov had revoked
earlier that year, was later convicted of organizing the
killing.
Today, bodyguards accompany Ms. Nabiullina even inside her
headquarters.
Detractors include presidential advisers and industrialists who
say her focus on low inflation and iron regulation is stifling the
economy.
"From stability to stagnation is just a short step," said Andrey
Sokolov, chairman of Russia's largest private lender, Alfa
Bank.
There are about 480 active banks in Russia, triple the number in
Brazil, which has a similar-sized economy. Russia's top 20 lenders,
however, account for 70% of the banking assets. Almost a third of
the banking system is in the hands of state-owned Sberbank, the
successor of the Soviet Union's banking monopoly.
Ms. Nabiullina, 54 years old, was born into a working-class
Tatar family in the Ural Mountains. She earned an economics degree
from Moscow's top university during the final years of the Soviet
Union and immediately began working on policies for Russia's
burgeoning market economy.
She spent the 1990s working at the country's largest business
trade group and in the economy ministry. She has earned a
reputation for bookishness, personal honesty and fixation on
detail, according to government advisers. Those qualities drew the
attention of Mr. Putin, who brought her into his think tank to help
draft an economic manifesto shortly before he assumed the
presidency in 2000.
As president, Mr. Putin consolidated power, curbing the
political clout of tycoons and regional strongmen. At the time they
also controlled a large part of the banking system, using weak
regulation to finance political campaigns and personal ventures and
to transfer wealth out of the country.
When banks collapsed under the weight of bad lending decisions
and unsustainable deposit rates, owners often moved abroad, usually
to London, where they bought mansions at record prices. The U.K.'s
government has denied extradition requests from Russia, citing lack
of trust in the country's judicial system.
Industry veterans said that before Ms. Nabiullina took over,
banking licenses were mostly used as mechanisms to funnel money
abroad and process insider deals.
"We used to open a newspaper in the morning and look at the
banking deals and said -- that's capital flight, and that's asset
stripping," said Sergey Khotimskiy, co-founder of one of Russia's
largest private banks, Sovcombank. "The dodgy enrichment schemes
were obvious to everyone."
The 2008 global financial crisis exposed the weakness of the
system. Indiscriminate lending saddled banks with mountains of bad
debts, which they camouflaged with increasingly elaborate
balance-sheet exercises, said Mikhail Zadornov, a veteran state
banker. Bank failures snowballed, leaving the state to pick up the
tab for insured deposits.
Banking woes slowed Russia's economic recovery, which convinced
Mr. Putin to act. In Ms. Nabiullina he saw a loyalist who had the
expertise and the stomach to clean up the financial system,
according to two people who were government advisers at the time.
Mr. Putin appointed her as his economic adviser in 2012, and head
of the central bank the following year.
When she took over the institution, banks and companies were
moving $5 billion out of the country every month, and inflation
topped 7%.
She shut down 70 banks in her first year.
In 2014, the West met Russia's military interventions in Ukraine
with sanctions. The impact, combined with a precipitous fall in the
oil price, caused the value of the ruble to fall by half against
the dollar that year.
Ms. Nabiullina stopped a longstanding policy of spending
billions of dollars from the country's reserves to try to prop up
the ruble. In December 2014, with the ruble continuing to fall, the
central bank nearly doubled its key lending rate to 17% at an
emergency late-night meeting.
The rate increase restored calm to markets but strangled the
country's consumer-fueled growth. The country's emerging middle
class, which had become used to foreign vacations and European
cars, is still feeling the effects of the ruble's collapse.
Some government advisers and lawmakers criticized Ms. Nabiullina
for the rate increase. "Difficult decisions are difficult to
explain [to the government]," she said. "For me it was easy to make
that rate decision, because I was sure there was no
alternative."
Ms. Nabiullina turned her attention next to homegrown problems.
Since she took office, she has halved the number of Russian banks,
shutting down about 440 lenders. She has reduced capital outflows
by about 50% to $2.5 billion a month.
Many of the banks she closed had been considered untouchable,
analysts said. Some, such as Promsviazbank, counted lawmakers and
state-company executives among its shareholders and held money for
national oil companies and the Orthodox Church. Others, like Bank
Sovetskiy, had served political objectives, providing banking
services in Crimea, the Ukrainian region the Kremlin annexed in
2014.
A dozen shut-down lenders have tried suing the central bank to
get their licenses or assets back. None have succeeded.
"Nabiullina has freedom to operate as she chooses in the
interests of stability, even when it hurts vested interests," said
Alexander Danilov, a banking analyst at Fitch Ratings. "She has
stepped on many toes."
Yugra, the bank she closed last year over the objections of the
prosecutor's office, is owned by construction magnate Alexey
Khotin. The bank had used credit taken from other banks to
subsidize market-beating deposit rates, and became the 12th-largest
holder of retail deposits in the country last year, according to
the central bank. It also sponsored an amateur hockey league
founded by Mr. Putin, who occasionally plays in it.
When the central bank took over Yugra last June following
repeated warnings, it said it found a $600 million deficit in its
balance sheet masked with bad loans. Just hours before the bankrupt
bank's license was due to expire, the prosecutor's office ordered a
halt to the closure, calling the bank "a financially stable credit
organization." Ms. Nabiullina rejected the order.
Mr. Khotin's representatives and the prosecutor's office didn't
respond to a list of questions on Yugra's closure, which the bank
is contesting in court.
"It was a test of will, and she won," said banking analyst Mr.
Lukashuk.
Ms. Nabiullina's freedom stands out from her peers in developing
economies from Turkey to Argentina, where central bankers are under
pressure from the government to keep interest rates low to keep
credit flowing to voters and businesses.
In January, inflation hit a record low for the post-Soviet
period of 2.2%, a result of Ms. Nabiullina's decision to keep
interest rates high after the Crimea sanctions. Some tycoons have
urged a faster reduction.
Ms. Nabiullina's confidence in Mr. Putin's backing was on
display at the central bank's congress in St. Petersburg in
June.
She publicly traded barbs with the chief executive of Russia's
banking behemoth, Sberbank, and criticized the head of a major
state oil company for raising gasoline prices. She chastised the
police and courts for not doing enough to punish errant
bankers.
Still, she has struggled to regulate Russia's lesser,
underperforming state-owned banks, whose executives often treat
them as fiefs, analysts said. These banks are kept afloat by
constant injections of state funds, which the executives have
funneled into unrelated assets ranging from supermarkets to
railroad cars.
Almost a trillion rubles of public capital, about $16 billion at
today's rate, went to just three state-owned banks -- VTB,
Gazprombank and Rosselkhozbank -- in the first four years of Ms.
Nabiullina's central-bank term, according to Fitch Ratings. All are
still saddled with bad debts or illiquid assets.
Ms. Nabiullina said the same regulatory rules apply to all
banks, adding that she has shut down several regional state-owned
lenders.
The central bank has also come under criticism for bailing out
three large private banks last year, including the country's
seventh-largest lender, Bank Otkritie. The move has cost the
government about $44 billion and continues to drain public
funds.
Private bankers said Otkritie should have been sold off in
pieces instead of becoming yet another state bank. Government-owned
lenders now account for two-thirds of all lending and private
deposits.
Ms. Nabiullina said Otkritie was "too big to fail" and required
a quick takeover to avert a financial crisis.
While the cleanup of the financial sector is nearly finished,
she said, she sees bigger problems for Russia's economy as a whole.
"The previous model of [consumer-led] economic growth has been
drained," she said. Her modest economic forecasts have consistently
lagged behind Mr. Putin's goals, which she said can only be
achieved through deep, unpopular changes to the system.
Even if the price of oil rose to $100, from around $65 today,
she said, "it's very unlikely that our economy can grow above 1.5%
to 2%" a year.
--Anna Mikheeva and Mike Bird contributed to this article.
Write to Anatoly Kurmanaev at Anatoly.kurmanaev@wsj.com
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
August 20, 2018 10:11 ET (14:11 GMT)
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